For the purpose of the analysis of structural change in carbon-intensive regions it is critical to pay close attention to these aspects. The larger the overlap, the higher the “institutional thickness” of a region. It illustrates that regions as units of analysis can vary greatly in the degree to which the various aspects of regionalization overlap. This example illustrates the various ways in which a region can be constituted and defined. Culturally, the closest comparison to a cohesive and homogenous region would be the Rhineland which also by far exceeds the core policy region.
In terms of formal regions, the mining area again sits on the margins of two landscape units (Kölner Bucht and Niederrheinische Tiefebene) both of which by far exceed the core mining area. In terms of functional regions, the Rhenish mining area is located at the margins of three major nodal regions with their cores in Düsseldorf, Cologne (Köln) and Aachen. Hence the policy region has been defined as what is depicted as the core “Innovationsregion Rheinisches Revier“ (IRR) (innovation region Rhenish mining area) consisting of five administrative regions at the district level (Kreis Düren, Kreis Heinsberg, Rhein-Erft-Kreis, Rhein-Kreis Neuss, Stadt Mönchengladbach) and covering parts of two regions that are one level higher in the administrative hierarchy (Regierungsbezirk Köln and Regierungsbezirk Düsseldorf). However, that area exceeds the area in which mining activities actually take place. the area in which mining law permits planning for lignite mining activities. The area shaded in red is the lignite planning area, i.e. This is nicely illustrated by the example of the Rhenish mining area shown in the Figure. These regional dimensions may or may not overlap. These formal regions can relate, for example, to natural landscapes, ethnical composition, language or other ’cultural realms’ that contribute to a distinct regional identity.
Another example would be urban regions with several centres such as the German Ruhr Area or the Upper Silesian Metropolis.įinally, regions can be constructed on the basis of relatively homogenous and cohesive natural or cultural features, a common “form”. A prototypical functional region would be a major urban centre which serves as a service centre or point of supply for a hinterland which in turn serves as market area for the urban core. In economic geography, functional regionsare often defined as organizational structures of economic activity. Intermediaries such as regional development agencies can help to overcome rivalries and improve coordination. district and state/provincial governments). district governments), as well as vertically between different levels of government (e.g. between governments on the same level of hierarchy (e.g. What is the adequate governance level to manage decarbonization policies and subsequent structural adjustments if the policy region cuts across several jurisdictions? This can lead to conflict between competing governments, both horizontally, i.e. In many cases, the policy region spans beyond administrative borders causing additional challenges to managing the transition. However, these administrative regionsdo not necessarily conform to the policy region. Of course, decarbonization policies are usually tied to specific jurisdictions. The borders of the policy region are defined by the geographic area in which the very carbon-intensive industries are located which are the subject of decarbonization policies. If we are talking about decarbonization in carbon-intensive regions, we define a policy region. And this social construction can rest on a range of different dimensions. The challenge is that regions are not a natural feature but a social construct. Of course, if you are studying carbon-intensive regions in transition, you have to have a clear definition of your unit of analysis.
The term “region” is common in everyday language, but very tricky to define scientifically.
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